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Subhas chandra bose personality langu english to hindi

Subhas Chandra Bose and India's Struggle for Independence By Andrew Montgomery When one thinks of the Indian independence movement in the 1930s and early 1940s, two figures most readily come to mind: Mahatma Gandhi, the immensely popular and "saintly" frail pacifist, and his highly respected, Fabian Socialist acolyte, Jawaharlal Nehru.

Less familiar to Westerners is Subhas Chandra Bose, a man of comparable stature who admired Gandhi but despaired at his aims and methods, and who became a bitter rival of Nehru.

Bose played a very active and prominent role in India's political life during most of the 1930s. For example, he was twice 1938 and 1939 elected President of the Indian National Congress, the country's most important political force for freedom from the Raj, or British rule. While his memory is still held in high esteem in India, in the West Bose is much less revered, largely because of his wartime collaboration with the Axis powers.

Both before and during the Second World War, Bose worked tirelessly to secure German and Japanese support in freeing his beloved homeland of foreign rule. During the final two years of the war, Bose -- with considerable Japanese backing -- led the forces of the Indian National Army subhas chandra bose personality langu english to hindi battle against the British.

Ideology of Fusion As early as 1930 -- in his inaugural speech as mayor of Calcutta -- the fervent young Bose first expressed his support for a fusion of socialism and fascism: I would say we have here in this policy and program a synthesis of what modern Europe calls Socialism and Fascism. We have here the justice, the equality, the love, which is the basis of Socialism, and combined with that we have the efficiency and the discipline of Fascism as it stands in Europe today.

  1. Without wishing to draw a parallel between the moral values, personalities and actions of the two men, it is worth pointing out that in Mein Kampf Hitler espoused a political ideology that was very similar with the obvious exception of anti-Semitism and one or two less-central elements to that espoused by Bose in The Indian Struggle. A Life for India Throughout his political career, India's liberation from British rule remained Bose's foremost political goal; indeed, it was a lifelong obsession.
  2. Nothing can be left to chance.
  3. When the army was forced to withdraw, the women were given no privileges. For industrialization and state ownership of industries, See.
  4. Individual wishes, he reasoned, must be subordinated to the needs of the state, especially during the struggle for independence and the period of reconstruction immediately following liberation.
  5. I will live and die for India. In the passage from The Indian Struggle quoted above at length, he expressed his belief in what he called "the dictatorship of the party" the party being the governing body of a free India , but he did not specify the precise nature of the party's leadership, or whether it, too, would be dictatorial.

For example, in late 1944 -- almost a decade-and-a-half later -- in a speech to students at Tokyo University, he asserted that India must have a political system "of an authoritarian character. To repeat once again, our philosophy should be a synthesis between National Socialism and Communism.

Postwar western society recognizes no fascist heroics, and even considers "fascist" traits -- particularly the authoritarian, charismatic, personal style of leadership, and the positive evaluation of violence and the willingness to use it for political purposes -- to be decidedly unpalatable.

In India, though, Bose is regarded as a national hero, in spite of his repeated praise as will be shown for autocratic leadership and authoritarian government, and admiration for the European fascist regimes with which he allied himself. Like the leaders he admired in Italy and Germany, Bose was and still is popularly known as Netaji, or "revered leader. Bose in his Indian National Army uniform, "exhorting his countrymen forward to one last glorious struggle.

Six months after his death in an airplane crash on August 18, 1945, Gandhi declared: Netaji's name is one to conjure with. His patriotism is second to none. His bravery shines through all his actions.

He aimed high and failed. But who has not failed. For example, the text of Bose's inaugural speech as mayor of Calcutta, cited above, was reprinted in a laudatory 1970 "Netaji Birthday Supplement" of the Calcutta Municipal Gazette, but with all references to fascism, including his support for a synthesis of fascism and socialism, carefully deleted.

Their subjective accounts do not even inform the reader that Bose spoke positively about some features of fascism, or else, in an attempt to remove from their hero any possible taint, they qualify his remarks in ways that he himself did not. During his lifetime, Bose was frequently denounced as a fascist or even a Nazi, particularly in the wake of the radical, revolutionary as opposed to reformist views he expressed in radio addresses broadcast to India from National Socialist Germany and, later, from quasi-fascist Japan.

Nair, a historian who has written favorably of Indian revolutionary Rash Behari Bose who had sought Japan's help during and after the First World Warfound nothing to praise about Subhas Chandra Bose. After all, wrote Nair, he was clearly a fascist.

Das, whom he idolized. He was jailed for six months in 1921-1922 because of his po-litical activities. As a result of his remarkable leadership abilities and ambition, he advanced quickly through nationalist ranks. In 1924, at the age of 27, Bose was elected the Chief Executive Officer of the Calcutta Municipal Corporation, which effectively put him in charge of the second-largest city in the British empire.

As a result of his close ties with nationalist terrorists, in late 1924 he was detained by British authorities and held, without trial, for three years subhas chandra bose personality langu english to hindi prison.

In 1928, the 31-year-old Bose was elected president of the BPCC, and, at the Calcutta meeting of the Congress party held that December, he came to national prominence by pressing unsuccessfully for the adoption by his provincial committee of an independence resolution. By 1930 Bose had formulated the broad strategy that he believed India must follow to throw off the yoke of British imperialism and assume its rightful place as a leader in Asia.

During his years in Mandalay prison and another short term of imprisonment in Alipore jail in 1930, he read many works on political theory, including Francesco Nitti's Bolshevism, Fascism and Democracy and Ivanoe Bonomi's From Socialism to Fascism. Until his death 15 years later, Bose would continue publicly to praise certain aspects of fascism and express his hope for a synthesis of that ideology and socialism.

His detailed comments on the matter in his book The Indian Struggle: As such, the most important of them, along with Bose's own actions, will be analyzed here in some detail. Program Outlined Contending that the Indian National Congress subhas chandra bose personality langu english to hindi somewhat "out of date," and suffered from a lack of unity and strong leadership, Bose predicted in The Indian Struggle that out of a "Left-Wing revolt there will ultimately emerge a new full-fledged party with a clear ideology, program and plan of action.

The party will stand for the interests of the masses, that is, of the peasants, workers, etc. It will stand for the complete political and economic liberation of the Indian people.

It will stand for a Federal Government for India as the ultimate goal, but will believe in a strong Central Government with dictatorial powers for some years to come, in order to put India on her feet. It will believe in a sound system of state-planning for the reorganization of the agricultural and industrial life of the country. It will seek to build up a new social structure on the basis of the village communities of the past, that were ruled by the village "Panch" and will strive to break down the existing social barriers like caste.

It will seek to establish a new monetary and credit system in the light of the theories and the experiments that have been and are current in the modern world. It will seek to abolish landlordism and introduce a uniform land-tenure system for the whole of India. It will not stand for a democracy in the Mid-Victorian sense of the term, but will believe in government by a strong party bound together by military discipline, as the only means of holding India together and preventing a chaos, when Indians are free and are thrown entirely on their own resources.

It will not restrict itself to a campaign inside India but will resort to international propaganda also, in order to strengthen India's case for liberty, and will attempt to utilize the existing international organizations. It will endeavor to unite all the radical organizations under a national executive so that whenever any action is taken, there will be simultaneous activity on many fronts.

  • If our leaders are not trained for post-war leadership also there is every possibility that after the conquest of power a period of chaos will set in and incidents similar to those for the French Revolution of the 18th century may be repeated in India;
  • Asia Publishing House, 1958 [1960 ed;
  • I can, therefore, say with certainty that there is no task which our women cannot undertake and no sacrifice and suffering which our women cannot undergo;;;
  • Unique Political Ideology While Bose's political ideology can reasonably be described as essentially "fascistic," two qualifying points need to be made here;
  • Individual wishes, he reasoned, must be subordinated to the needs of the state, especially during the struggle for independence and the period of reconstruction immediately following liberation;
  • Any discussion here of what economic systems he favored, and when and how he intended to implement them, would thus be merely speculative.

One is inclined to hold that the next phase in world- history will produce a synthesis between Communism and Fascism. And will it be a surprise if that synthesis in produced in India?.

  • For example, at the 51st session of the Congress party at Haripura in 1938, Bose made sure that his entrance as the new Congress President would be spectacular;
  • But who has not failed;
  • I wonder if such a spontaneous ovation was ever given to a leader anywhere else;
  • The feeling of strength and of self-confidence grew still further;
  • I want also a unit of brave women to form a death-defying regiment who will wield the sword which the brave Rani of Jhansi wielded;;;
  • Collected Works, Volume 1, pp.

In spite of the antithesis between Communism and Fascism, there are certain traits in common. Both Communism and Fascism believe in the supremacy of the State over the individual. Both denounce parliamentary democracy.

Both believe in party rule. Both believe in the dictatorship of the party and in the ruthless suppression of all dissenting minorities. Both believe in a planned industrial reorganization of the country. These common traits will form the basis of the new synthesis. That synthesis is called by the writer "Samyavada" -- an Indian word, which means literally "the doctrine of synthesis or equality.

In 1934 Bose made the first of several visits to Fascist Italy and found both the regime and its leader very agreeable. On that occasion he had a cordial first meeting with Mussolini -- "a man who really counts in the politics of modern Europe. While Bose would, by the time he completed his book, have known about such violent incidents as "The Night of the Long Knives" -- the SS killing of dozens of SA men on June 30, 1934 -- he had no real reason to consider the European fascist regimes unusually violent, murderous or bellicose.

What I really meant was that we in India wanted our national freedom, and having won it, we wanted to move in the direction of Socialism. This is what I meant when I referred to a "synthesis between Communism and Fascism. Bose's ideology was radical and contained socialist elements -- such as the desire to abolish the traditional class structure and create a society of equal opportunity, and the claim to represent the peasants and workers.

Short Paragraph on Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose in Hindi

To that extent it can be considered left wing. It is worth noting that Hitler's "right wing" political movement -- the National Socialist German Workers' Party -- shared many of Bose's "socialist" goals.

  • He struggled throughout his life for the independence of India, in his own way;
  • I want Total Mobilization and nothing less, for we have been told repeatedly, even by our enemies, that this is a total war;;;
  • After observing these regimes first-hand, he developed a political ideology of his own that, he was convinced, could bring about the liberation of India and the total reconstruction of Indian society along vaguely authoritarian-socialist lines;
  • As such, the most important of them, along with Bose's own actions, will be analyzed here in some detail;
  • Neither did he attempt in any way to foster a cult of his own personality as, it could be argued, Gandhi did;
  • In the above-cited letter of April 23, 1921, though, he made a confession of sorts when he said that "If I had stood up before James [the Principal] in 1916 and admitted that I had assaulted Oaten, I would have been a better and truer man.

Strong language and a capacity to attack the old Congress leadership is not a test of Leftism in politics. For example, in his February 1938 inaugural speech as President of the Indian National Congress, Bose -- probably in a sincere attempt to placate the Gandhian faction -- made statements that appear to represent almost an about face from the political views he had expounded in The Indian Struggle.

Further, the democratic basis of the party will ensure that leaders are not thrust upon the people from above, but are elected from below. By doing so he apparently hoped to win wider acceptance of the policies he wanted to implement in his year as Congress President: A year later he successfully recontested the presidential election, but two months afterwards was forced to resign because of his inability to resolve his differences with Gandhi and the Gandhian faction.

Probably believing that his earlier suspicions of democracy had been proven correct, and feeling that there was now no use in trying to win the favor or approval of more conservative elements in the Congress party, Bose once again proclaimed his belief in the efficacy of authoritarian government and a synthesis of fascism and socialism.

Many similar examples can be cited to show how Bose outwardly but probably not inwardly modified his views to suit changing political contexts. A Life for India Throughout his political career, India's liberation from British rule remained Bose's foremost political goal; indeed, it was a lifelong obsession.

As he explained in his most important work, The Indian Struggle, the political party he envisioned "will stand for the complete political and economic liberation of the Indian people. He was not only brave but had deep love for freedom.

He believed, rightly or wrongly, that whatever he did was for the independence of India. Although I personally did not agree with him in many respects, and he left us and formed the Forward Bloc, nobody can doubt his sincerity. He struggled throughout his life for the independence of India, in his own way. In a radio address broadcast from Berlin on March 1, 1943, he exclaimed that Britain's demise was near, and predicted that it would be " India's privilege to end that Satanic empire.

Bose envisaged that "the complete political and economic liberation of the Indian people" would inevitably require the use of force. Just before resigning from the Indian Civil Service, he discussed with Dilip Kumar Roy, his closest friend, the subject of anti-British terrorism. But maybe that beauty does not unveil her face except for her devotees. In 1916 he had been expelled from Presidency College in Calcutta for his part in the violent assault on Professor Edward Oaten, who had allegedly insulted Indian students.

The feeling of strength and of self-confidence grew still further. Such guards of honor were not uncommon, but the one Subhas chandra bose personality langu english to hindi formed and commanded was unlike anything previously seen. More than 2,000 volunteers were given military training and organized into battalions.

About half wore uniforms, with specially designed steel-chain epaulettes for the officers. Bose, in full dress uniform peaked cap, standing collar, ornamental breast cords, and jodhpurs even carried a Field Marshal's baton when he reviewed his "troops. Gandhi and several other champions of Non-violence Ahimsa were uncomfortable with this display.

In his address to the troops, which is a good example of his speaking style, he cited George Washington and Giuseppi Garibaldi as examples of men who led armies that won independence for their respective countries. You have voluntarily accepted a mission that is the noblest that the human mind can conceive of. For the fulfillment of such a mission, no sacrifice is too great, not even the sacrifice of one's life. Today is the proudest day of my life.

For an enslaved people, there can be no greater pride, no higher honor, than to be the first soldier in the army of liberation. But this honor carries with it a corresponding responsibility, and I am deeply conscious of it. I assure you that I shall be with you in darkness and in sunshine, in sorrow and in joy, in suffering and in victory.