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A paper on the new president of the united states

It is composed of the heads of executive departments chosen by the president with the consent of the Senate, but the members do not hold seats in Congress, and their tenure, like that… Duties of the office The Constitution succinctly defines presidential functions, powers, and responsibilities.

Presidents appoint all cabinet heads and most other high-ranking officials of the executive branch of the federal government. They also nominate all judges of the federal judiciary, including the members of the Supreme Court. Their appointments to executive and judicial posts must be approved by a majority of the Senate one of the two chambers of Congressthe legislative branch of the federal government, the other being the House a paper on the new president of the united states Representatives.

The Senate usually confirms these appointments, though it occasionally rejects a nominee to whom a majority of members have strong objections. The president has the power to make treaties with foreign governments, though the Senate must approve such treaties by a two-thirds majority. Historical development By the time the Constitutional Convention assembled in Philadelphia on May 25, 1787, wartime and postwar difficulties had convinced most of the delegates that an energetic national executive was necessary.

They approached the problem warily, however, and a third of them favoured a proposal that would have allowed Congress to select multiple single-term executives, each of whom would be subject to recall by state governors. The subject consumed more debate at the convention than any other. At first, delegates supported the idea that the executive should be chosen by Congress; however, congressional selection would make the executive dependent on the legislature unless the president was ineligible for reelection, and ineligibility would necessitate a dangerously long term six or seven years was the most common suggestion.

The delegates debated the method of election until early September 1787, less than two weeks before the convention ended. Finally, the Committee on Unfinished Parts, chaired by David Brearley of New Jerseyput forward a cumbersome proposal—the electoral college —that overcame all objections.

Whoever received a majority of the votes would be elected president, the runner-up vice president. If no one won a majority, the choice would be made by the House of Representatives, each state delegation casting one vote.

  1. The president has the power to make treaties with foreign governments, though the Senate must approve such treaties by a two-thirds majority. Postrevolutionary period Scarcely had Washington been inaugurated when an extraconstitutional attribute of the presidency became apparent.
  2. Americans were bitterly divided over the wars, some favouring Britain and its allies and others France.
  3. Another problem, which resulted from the proliferation of presidential primaries after 1968 and the extensive use of political advertising on television, was the high cost of presidential campaigns and the consequent increase in the influence of special interest groups see below The money game.

The president would serve a four-year term and be eligible for continual reelection by the Twenty-second Amendmentadopted in 1951, the president was limited to a maximum of two terms.

Until agreement on the electoral college, delegates were unwilling to entrust the executive with significant authority, and most executive powers, including the conduct of foreign relationswere held by the Senate.

The delegates hastily shifted powers to the executive, and the result was ambiguous. First, Article II itemizes, in sections 2 and 3, certain presidential powers, including those of commander in chief of the armed forces, appointment making, treaty making, receiving ambassadors, and calling Congress into special session. Second, a sizable array of powers traditionally associated with the executive, including the power to declare war, issue letters of marque and reprisal, and coin and borrow money, were given to Congress, not the president, and the power to make appointments and treaties was shared between the president and the Senate.

The delegates could leave the subject ambiguous because of their understanding that George Washington 1789—97 would be selected as the first president. They deliberately left blanks in Article II, trusting that Washington would fill in the details in a satisfactory manner.

Indeed, it is safe to assert that had Washington not been available, the office might never have been created. Postrevolutionary period Scarcely had Washington been inaugurated when an extraconstitutional attribute of the presidency became apparent. Inherently, the presidency is dual in character. Through centuries of constitutional struggle between the crown and ParliamentEngland had separated the two offices, vesting the prime minister with the function of running the government and leaving the ceremonial responsibilities of leadership to the monarch.

  1. Andrew Jackson exercised the veto flamboyantly; attempted, in the so-called Bank War , to undermine the Bank of the United States by removing federal deposits; and sought to mobilize the army against South Carolina when that state adopted an Ordinance of Nullification declaring the federal tariffs of 1828 and 1832 to be null and void within its boundaries.
  2. Americans were bitterly divided over the wars, some favouring Britain and its allies and others France.
  3. Roosevelt also used executive agreements—direct personal pacts with other chief executives—as an alternative to treaties.
  4. Indeed, it is safe to assert that had Washington not been available, the office might never have been created.

But the problems posed by the dual nature of the office remained unsolved. A few presidents, notably Thomas Jefferson 1801—09 and Franklin D. Roosevelt 1933—45proved able to perform both roles. More common were the examples of John F.

Kennedy 1961—63 and Lyndon B. Although Kennedy was superb as the symbol of a vigorous nation—Americans were entranced by the image of his presidency as Camelot—he was ineffectual in getting legislation enacted.

Johnson, by contrast, pushed through Congress a legislative program of major proportions, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964, but he was such a failure as a king surrogate that he chose not to run for a second term. For example, he retired after two terms, establishing a tradition maintained until 1940.

During his first term he made the presidency a full-fledged branch of government instead of a mere office. As commander in chief during the American Revolutionary Warhe had been accustomed to surrounding himself with trusted aides and generals and soliciting their opinions.

Cabinet meetings, as they came to be called, remained the principal instrument for conducting executive business until the late 20th century, though some early presidents, such as Andrew Jackson 1829—37made little use of the cabinet.

But when Washington appeared on the floor of the Senate to seek advice about pending negotiations with American Indian tribes, the surprised senators proved themselves to be a contentious deliberative assembly, not an advisory board. At about the same time, it was established by an act of Congress that, though the president had to seek the approval of the Senate for his major appointments, he could remove his appointees unilaterally.

This power remained a subject of controversy and was central to the impeachment of Andrew Johnson 1865—69 in 1868. In 1926, in Myers v. United Statesthe Supreme Court, in a decision written by Chief Justice and former president William Howard Taftoverturned an 1876 a paper on the new president of the united states that required the president to receive senatorial consent to remove a postmaster, thus affirming the right of a president to remove executive officers without approval of the Senate.

  • Their appointments to executive and judicial posts must be approved by a majority of the Senate one of the two chambers of Congress , the legislative branch of the federal government, the other being the House of Representatives;
  • By the time his term ended, the Senate had censured him and refused to receive his messages;
  • The president would serve a four-year term and be eligible for continual reelection by the Twenty-second Amendment , adopted in 1951, the president was limited to a maximum of two terms.

Washington set other important precedents, especially in foreign policy. Americans were bitterly divided over the wars, some favouring Britain and its allies and others France. The emergence of the party system also created unanticipated problems with the method for electing the president. In 1796 John Adams 1797—1801the candidate of the Federalist Partywon the presidency and Thomas Jefferson 1801—09the candidate of the Democratic-Republican Partywon the vice presidency; rather than working with Adams, however, Jefferson sought to undermine the administration.

In 1800, to forestall the possibility of yet another divided executive, the Federalists and the Democratic-Republicans, the two leading parties of the early republic, each nominated presidential and vice presidential candidates. Because of party-line voting and the fact that electors could not indicate a presidential or vice presidential preference between the two candidates for whom they voted, the Democratic-Republican candidates, Jefferson and Aaron Burrreceived an equal number of votes.

The election was thrown to the House of Representatives, and a constitutional crisis nearly ensued as the House became deadlocked. On February 17, 1801, Jefferson was finally chosen president by the House, and with the ratification of the Twelfth Amendmentbeginning in 1804, electors were required to cast separate ballots for president and vice president. The presidency in the 19th century Jefferson shaped the presidency almost as much as did Washington.

He shunned display, protocoland pomp; he gave no public balls or celebrations on his birthday.

By completing the transition to republicanismhe humanized the presidency and made it a symbol not of the nation but of the people. He talked persuasively about the virtue of limiting government—his first inaugural address was a masterpiece on the subject—and he made gestures in that direction.

But he also stretched the powers of the presidency in a variety of ways.

While maintaining a posture of deference toward Congress, he managed legislation more effectively than any other president of the 19th century. He approved the Louisiana Purchase despite his private conviction that it was unconstitutional. He conducted a lengthy and successful war against the Barbary pirates of North Africa without seeking a formal declaration of war from Congress. Only three presidents during that long span acted with great energy, and each elicited a vehement congressional reaction.

Andrew Jackson exercised the veto flamboyantly; attempted, in the so-called Bank Warto undermine the Bank of the United States by removing federal deposits; and sought to mobilize the army against South Carolina when that state adopted an Ordinance of Nullification declaring the federal tariffs of 1828 and 1832 to be null and void within its boundaries.

By the time his term ended, the Senate had censured him and refused to receive his messages. Polk 1845—49 maneuvered the United States into the Mexican War and only later sought a formal congressional declaration. Calhoun of South Carolina launched a tirade against him, insisting that a state of war could not exist unless Congress declared one. The third strong president during the period, Abraham Lincoln 1861—65defending the salus populi in Jeffersonian fashion, ran roughshod over the Constitution during the American Civil War.

Radical Republican congressmen were, at the time of his assassination, sharpening their knives in opposition to his plans for reconstructing the rebellious Southern states, and they wielded them to devastating effect against his successor, Andrew Johnson. They reduced the presidency to a cipher, demonstrating that Congress can be more powerful than the president if it acts with complete unity.

Johnson was impeached on several grounds, including his violation of the Tenure of Office Actwhich forbade the president from removing civil officers without the consent of the Senate. Although Johnson was not convicted, he and the presidency were weakened.

Contributing to the weakness of the presidency after 1824 was the use of national conventions rather than congressional caucuses to nominate presidential candidates see below The convention system. The new system existed primarily as a means of winning national elections and dividing the spoils of victory, and the principal function of the president became the distribution of government jobs.

Changes in the 20th century In the 20th century the powers and responsibilities of the presidency were transformed. The Persona of a PresidentHubert Humphrey discusses the personalities of some of the 20th century's most memorable presidents.

Theodore Roosevelt also introduced the practice of issuing substantive executive orders. Although the Supreme Court ruled that such orders had the force of law only if they were justified by the Constitution or authorized by Congress, in practice they covered a wide range of regulatory activity. By the early 21st century some 50,000 executive orders had been issued. Roosevelt also used executive agreements—direct personal pacts with other chief executives—as an alternative to treaties.

Woodrow Wilson introduced the notion of the president as legislator in chief. Roosevelt completed the transformation of the presidency. In the midst of the Great DepressionCongress granted him unprecedented powers, and when it declined to give him the powers he wanted, he simply assumed them; after 1937 the Supreme Court acquiesced to the changes.

Equally important was the fact that the popular perception of the presidency had changed; people looked to the president for solutions to all a paper on the new president of the united states problems, even in areas quite beyond the capacity of government at any level.

Presidential power remained at unprecedented levels from the 1950s to the mid-1970s, when Richard Nixon 1969—74 was forced to resign the office because of his role in the Watergate Scandal. Controlling the PresidentSee what Hubert Humphrey has to say about how Congress, the Judiciary, and even public opinion can limit the way the president uses his power.

After Roosevelt died and Republicans gained a majority in Congress, the Twenty-second Amendmentwhich limits presidents to two terms of office, was adopted in 1951. Two decades later, reacting to perceived abuses by Presidents Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, Congress passed the Budget and Impoundment Control Act to reassert its control over the budget; the act imposed constraints on impoundments, created the Congressional Budget Office, and established a timetable for passing a paper on the new president of the united states bills.

Subsequent presidents, however, contended that the resolution was unconstitutional and generally ignored it. One challenge facing presidents beginning in the late 20th century was the lack of reliable sources of information. Roosevelt could depend on local party bosses for accurate grassroots data, but the presidents of later generations had no such resource. Moreover, the burgeoning of the executive bureaucracy created filters that limited or distorted the information flowing to the president and his staff.

Public opinion polls, on which presidents increasingly depended, were often biased and misleading. Another problem, which resulted from the proliferation of presidential primaries after 1968 and the extensive use of political advertising on television, was the high cost of presidential campaigns and the consequent increase in the influence of special interest groups see below The money game.

Presidency of the United States of America

At the start of the 21st century, presidential power, while nominally still enormous, was institutionally bogged down by congressional reforms and the changing relationship between the presidency and other institutional and noninstitutional actors. Moreover, the end of the Cold War shattered the long-standing bipartisan consensus on foreign policy and revived tensions between the executive and legislative branches over the extent of executive war-making power.

The presidency also had become vulnerable again as a result of scandals and impeachment during the second term of Bill Clinton 1993—2001and it seemed likely to be weakened even further by the bitter controversy surrounding the 2000 presidential election, in which Republican George W.

Bush 2001—09 lost the popular vote but narrowly defeated the Democratic candidate, Vice President Al Gorein the electoral college after the U.

Supreme Court ordered a halt to the manual recounting of disputed ballots in Florida. It is conceivable, however, that this trend was welcomed by the public. For as opinion polls consistently showed, though Americans liked strong, activist presidents, they also distrusted and feared them. That division of sentiment was exacerbated by events during the administration of George W.

Meanwhile, many Americans watched with anxiety as an insurgency intensified against U. As Bush declared the spread of democracy particularly in the Middle East to be an important goal of his second term, the institution of the presidency seemed once again to be tied to the Wilsonian premise that the role of the United States was to make the world safe for democracy.